Past studies discussing the origins of agriculture have mainly emphasized changes in environmental and human-behavior factors as possible explanations for the shift from foraging to farming. The "Man the Hunter" conference was convened not to search for new propositions con- cerning the cultural ecology of simple societies but to confirm and expound existing ones. The flow of energy in a hunting soci- ety. For hunter-gatherers as for the rest of us, life is given in engagement, not in disengagement, and it is in that very engagement that the real world at once ceases to be "nature" and becomes an environment for people.In her examination of Sahlins's defining essay, Bird- David raises many important questions. "The foodF. She should be applauded as well for relating Gudeman's insightful and creative investigations of local cultural models of livelihood to forager studies. Chicago: Aldine.HILL, K., H., KAPLAN, K. HAWKES, AND A. M. HURTADO. Inuit ecology and adaptation: The organi- zation of subsistence. From the vantage point supplied by this model, the anthropologist sees that it is only by imagining the cosmos and deriving a sense of how and why they have to share with it (and within it) that hunter-gatherers come to sing to the forest, hunt for the joy of hunting, claim only what they immedi- ately see, water stones, blame the forest for misfortune, and so on.
Subsistence as an economic system in Alaska: Theoretical and policy implications. 27,
For the cultural economist, the comparisons or points of illumi- nation will change as new information becomes avail- able and as the "observer's" own position shifts. This contrast, however, brings me to my reservation about Bird-David's argument. The main problem, I think, is that most commentators have missed the fact that while the second part was a moment in our conversation with hunter-gatherers, the third attempted to start a new-separate-conversation. These constituents, imbued with personal pow- ers, are indeed supposed to act with the people in mind. I am so much inlimit my comments to one suggestion and one reserva-tion, which is that her commitment to a "culturalist"account prevents her from bringing out the more radicalMy suggestion concerns two terms which recur throughout Bird-David's presentation, as indeed they do in Sahlins's text, and which are surely as crucial to the whole argument as is the concept of sharing. Zaire. Ac- cordingly, both human-with-human and human-with- forest acts of sharing crystallise about the basic categories of this single indigenous template. HAYD EN,B. [GWW] KUHN,T. Another, which I believe is related to the first, is whether affluence was the right starting place for exam- ining hunter-gatherer ecology-economics.I do not fully agree that "original affluence" has been ignored by anthropologists; students of socioecology have more than delved it (for example, Smith 1988). The irony is doubled, for in the second edition of his book Galbraith criticized those who misread his argument and over- rated his point on the shortening of work hours. For example, they hold that until the dead are integrated with the natural spirits-through a ritual that takes place every year or two-they are piccacio (ghosts) who roam in the forest and harm anyone they encounter. Here I discuss a closely related metaphoricalsubsistence activities in the context of a comparisonimmediate-return systems, the Mbuti of Zaire and theBatek of Malaysia. The Batek also address the end point of the life-cycle, though they depict a two- stage transformation. [GWW]EMBER,C. "TO have and have not: The ecology of sharing among hunter-gatherers," in Resource managers: North Ameri- can and Australian hunter-gatherers, Edited by N. Williams and E. Hunn. The Mbuti, for example, say that mishaps occur when the forest is asleep. Articles
1 suspect that if we examine the temporal and idiosyncratic pat- terns of foraging, as well as patterns of ownership and circulation, with these aspects of the banking system in mind, we will find that in many other ways these hunter-gatherers' economic system, premised on trust in the natural environment, does generate wealth. Time allocation in a Machiguenga commu-TONES,R. This impossibility was partly a result of ecological constraints: contempo- rary surveys of indigenous floral and faunal resources available during certain seasons but in particular during the mid-wet season indicate that even small dispersed36 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 33, Number I, February 1992tain minimum level of living without considerable work1 can understand the cultural, historical, and political contexts of the very big question that Sahlins (1968a, 1972) was asking.
P. Mountford. CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY z3:523-37. in Man the hunter. Revisiting my Pygmy host. Human Ecology 14:29-55. Between casts of the nets, the huntersregroup ...to share tobacco or snacks of fruit and nuts gathered along the way ...to flirt and visit, to play with babies" (Hart 1978 :3 37).Third, as in human-to-human sharing, seeing consti- tutes a crucial moment in hunting and gathering activi- ties.5 These hunter-gatherers tend to appropriate what thev see rather than to search for something thev want.he^ often set off from their huts with no particular sense of what they want to acquire in mind and collect what they happen to see on their way. 1951. Man. But Sahlins did not pursue it, in part because of lack of relevant data and conceptual apparatus and in part, unfortunately, because he sacrificed the issue to wit and glossed this proposition as the "Zen way."
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